Friday, August 3, 2007

The Identity of Columbus (Part III)

Pedro Madruga and Cristobal Colon
(Two Brief Studies on Historical Narcissism)

The Fourth edition Text Revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders is the handbook used by mental health professionals to diagnose mental disorders. All ten disorders must show "enduring pattern(s) of inner experience and behavior that are specifically rigid and deep-seated to bring a person into repeated conflicts with his or her social and occupational environment. (Narcissistic Personality Disorder) The manual states that the dysfunctional patterns must be regarded as nonconfoming or deviant by the person's culture, and cause significant pain and/or difficulties in relationships and occupational performance." (Ibid)

To arrive at a diagnosis of a personality disorder the patient must exhibit problematic behaviors in two, or more of the following areas:

1) "perception and interpretation of the self and other people.

2) 'intensity and duration of feelings and their appropriateness to situations.

3) 'relationships with others.

4) 'ability to control impulses."

Narcissistic Personality Disorder (NPD) is defined as a "pattern of grandiosity" (Ibid), generally manifested on the part of the patient, with "exaggerated claims to talents, importance and specialness." (Ibid) These symptoms can occur either in the patient's private fantasies, or outward behavior" (Ibid), and include the "need for constant admiration from others" (Ibid,) and a lack of empathy. (Ibid)

The origins of the term, "narcissist," is the ancient Greek legend of Echo and Narcissus.

The following diagnostic criteria are used to arrive at a diagnosis of NPD, according to DSM-IV-TR, the American diagnostic manual. To obtain a diagnosis of NPD, an individual must fit at least five of the following patterns of behavior.

1) "He or she has a grandiose sense of self-importance (exaggerates accomplishments and demands to be considered superior without real evidence of achievement).

2) 'He or she lives in a dreamworld of exceptional success, power, beauty, genius, or 'perfect' love.

3) 'He or she thinks of him-herself as 'special' or privileged, and that he or she can only be understood by other special or high-status people.

4) 'He or she demands excessive amounts of praise or admiration from others.

5) 'He or she feels entitled to automatic deference, compliance, or favorable treatment from others.

6) 'He or she is exploitative towards others and takes advantage of them.

7) 'He or she lacks empathy and does not recognize or identify with others' feelings.

8) 'He or she is frequently envious of others or thinks that they are envious of him or her.

9) 'He or she 'has an attitude' or frequently acts in haughty or arrogant ways."

At present, clinicians believe that all personality disorders begin in adolescence or early adulthood. Children seldom receive a diagnosis of NPD. Doctors believe children's personalities undergo a number of changes until they are in their late teens. (Ibid)

This study will analyze the personality of Pedro Madruga and Christopher Columbus, with the intent to illustrate that both personalities show consistant, and parallel patterns of behavior that would warrant a diagnosis of NPD using the guidelines provided by the current Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. (Fourth Edition Text Revision)

There are two theories about the nature and origin of NPD, at present. One maintains that it is a form of arrested development, while the other one argues that it is a "young child's defense against psychological pain." (Ibid) The pioneer in this field of study was Freud, who maintained that all infants experience a phase of "primary" and "secondary" narcissism in which "they assume that they are the center of the universe." (Ibid) As children grow they are forced to recognize, through experience, that they are not able to control their parents or caregivers. In fact, the opposite is true. At this stage, under normal circumstances, young children give up their fantasies of omnipotence, and are able to form emotional bonds with their parents or caregivers. Secondary narcissism, according to Freudian theory, occurs when infants fail to invest their emotions in their parents, redirecting them back to themselves. Secondary narcissism, according to Freud, develops around the age of three, during the pre-Oedipal phase. It is for this reason that Freud thought narcisssism was difficult to treat later in life--its onset begins in early childhood.

Kohut rejected some of Freud's ideas about the id, ego, and superego. He developed the theory of the tripartite self, or three-part self.(Heinz Kohut, Wikipedia) Kohut essentially believed that narcissism allows a person to suppress their feelings of low self-esteem. In his view, the self-aggrandizing of a narcissist is what allows him or her to counterbalance her or his feelings of inadequacy. Central to Kohut's theory is the need to "identify and idealize 'the competence of admired figures.'" (Ibid) A child's self-worth, he maintained, must be 'mirrored' back to the child through empathy and proper caregiving, to allow them to develop their own soothing mechanisms. (Ibid)

Otto Kernberg was the founder of Transference-Focused Psychotherapy. Kernberg's ideas rely on a "self" consisting of an "intrapsychic" structure of multiple representions. (Otto Kernberg, Wikipedia) Kernberg acknowledged three types of narcissism: normal infantile narcissism, normal adult narcissism, and pathological narcissism. Kohut and Kernberg did not agree in their conceptualizations regarding the relationship between Narcissistic and Borderline personalities, normal versus pathological narcissism. They also differed in their ideas about narcissistic idealization and the grandiose self, as well as the psychoanalytic technique and narcissistic transference." (Ibid) Kernberg's ideas support a somewhat more realistic self, which integrates both good and bad self-images. In his view, Normal Adult Narcissism is experienced by individuals that have established a normal level of self-esteem, based on his system of representations. This is, according to Kernberg, a self whose superego is fully developed and individualized. Kernberg's theory posits that a child has the capacity of regulate self-esteem "through gratifications related to the age, which include, or imply, a normal infantile system of values, demands, and prohibitions." (Ibid)

Kernberg believes that NPD differs from Normal Adult Narcissim and from regression to Normal Infantile Narcissism. (Ibid) He attributes this type of character disorder to pathological object relationships. The pathological structure of NPD, in his view, "presents defences against early self and object images, which are libidinally or aggressively invested." (Ibid)

Not much is known about Columbus's early childhood in Genoa, where he allegedly lived an uneventful life, until he found his way to Lagos, Portugal, not so far away from the doorstep of Prince Henry the Navigator. Columbus, we are all told, was bound for Northern Europe and the British Isles, in a convoy of Genoese merchant vessels. He floated on an oar to Lagos, after the convoy was attacked by thirteen French and Portuguese ships commanded by French corsair de Casanove. Prior to this event, Columbus's voyages were not extensive. They were restricted to locations close to Italy, in the Mediterranean, including one trip to Chios, financed by the Spinola family, "allies of the Fregosos, who were his father's patrons in Genoa. (Dor-Ner, Columbus and the Age of Discovery)

On the other hand, the entire life (until the day he vanished) of Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior (Pedro Madruga) has been the subject of many published studies in Spain since he was an important figure in the history of Galicia, a result of his participation in the Irmandino rebellion there, an event that took place before Columbus's first voyage to the Americas. As mentioned in Part II of this study, Philippot maintains that Pedro Madruga and Columbus were actually one and the same. Likewise, according to the Philippot thesis, Pedro Madruga studied navigation in Portugal, and was a navigator for a period of 23 years, the same number of years Columbus spent at sea, according to what appears written in his Diary.

Those who support the Galician thesis assert that the man who later presented himself before the Catholic Kings spoke and behaved as if he were Portuguese. It is probable that, during that period of time, the Galician dialect was practically indistinguishable from the Portuguese spoken in Portugal.

Although the thesis of a Galician Columbus first earned respectability as a result of the eighteen documents presented to the Royal Geographic Society and the Academy of History in Madrid by historian and graphologist Celso Garcia de la Riega, Philippot is not the only author that expanded it through research. Constantino Horta y Pardo, a very qualified researcher, and author of "La verdadera cuna de Colon" developed a thesis of a Columbus that is slightly different from Philippot's thesis.

Horta y Pardo's thesis, published in 1911, maintains that the Colon family of Poio, Pontevedra, were relatives of Columbus as well. However, in his view, Domingo Colon was Columbus's father. His mother, he asserts, was Susana Fonterosa, also a native of Pontevedra. The name, Fonterosa, appears several times in the civil records of Pontevedra. Two Fonterosa men, according to the records, were named Jacob. One Jacob was called, "el Viejo" (Jacob, "the Old One")and the other, Jacob, "el Benjamin" (Jacob, the "Benjamin") Celso Garcia de la Riega (and Horta y Pardo) concluded that the Fonterosas were Jewish conversos. Likewise, other researchers affirm that members of the Colon family are buried in a Jewish cemetery in Galicia, and that their tombstones are labelled accordingly. Horta y Pardo asserts that Celso Garcia de la Riega was partial to this interpretation, adding that due to the persecution and injustices perpetrated on Spanish Jewish conversos, Columbus may have found it advisable to hide his origins, a speculation that makes a lot of sense. Other researchers have also noted that the first voyage of Columbus departed from Palos in early August 1492, only seven months after the fall of Granada, an event that precipitated an exodus of Jews that fled to Morocco and Gibraltar, fearing forced conversions by the Inquisitors, as well as other forms of harassment and persecution. The events just described have led some researchers who are partial to this thesis to speculate that Columbus was also trying to leave Spain for the same reasons.

The Catholic Kings signed an Edict of Expulsion on March 31, 1492, giving Jews a period of four months to leave Spain. Although the initial voyage to the Americas departed from Palos on August 2, all passengers and crew went aboard all three ships on July 31 and remained there, in the still waters of the port, until two days had elapsed past the date which coincides with the end of the four month period granted by the Edict of Expulsion. Once aboard, for whatever reason, they were not technically on Spanish land.

Regardless of its appeal to logic, the Garcia de la Riega/Horta y Pardo thesis faces one major problem, namely insufficient documentation. The theory is based on the speculations of the Marquis of Dosfuentes, who surmises that Domingo Colon and Benjamin Fonterosa promoted a marriage between the two families based on their friendship and mutual business association linked to the Archbishop of Santiago.

If, on the other hand, de la Riega and Horta y Pardo are correct, it would be rational to assume that Columbus's entire life may have been directed toward concealing his true identity. According to Kernberg's theory of narcissism, consistent attempts to deny one's identity can contribute to the development of NPD.

Likewise, if the Philippot version is accurate, and the Colons of Pontevedra have Jewish origins, Pedro Madruga would have also been Jewish, in addition to "illegitimate." Therefore, it would also be reasonable to assume Pedro Madruga's predicament may have been even more complex than the one faced by Cristobal Colon Fonterosa, the Garcia de la Riega/Horta y Pardo "candidate," whose name and last names are a "perfect match."

Without a doubt, at present, the Philippot thesis is the most documented of the two. In fact, a statement in Horta y Pardo's theory can be cited to support Philippot's thesis. Horta y Pardo maintains that Diego, Columbus's son with Felipa Muniz de Perestrello, the woman Columbus allegedly married in Portugal, could not be Diego's mother. Horta y Prado noted that neither Diego nor Columbus paid "for a humble burial" (Horta y Prado, La verdadera cuna de Cristobal Colon) for her, in spite of their wealth, honors, and prestige, "they did not take 'her remains to Santo Domingo, or dedicated prayers to her soul, or mentioned her at all in their writings.'" (Ibid) Such omissions of protocol, religious or otherwise, do seem inconceivable.

Pedro Madruga married Teresa de Tavora in Portugal during the second phase of the Irmandino Rebellion (1467-1469). According to a brief biography of his life, published by the City of Pontevedra, he had seven children with her. One of them was named Diego, and another one Fernando. In addition, in a Galician geneaology website, the pertinent generation of Sotomaior lists four other children born out of wedlock that could only be attributed to Pedro Madruga. Alvar Paez was the only "legitimate" son of Fernan Eanes and Pedro Madruga's half-brother. Alvar died childless. (Xenealogia, Casa de Soutomaior)

The Tavoras were an influential family in Portugal, and the biography describes the marriage as "adventageous" for Madruga. It also states that his union with Teresa marked the beginning of Madruga's ties with politics and the feudal lords during the Irmandino rebellion. During the course of that conflict, Madruga earned a folk hero's reputation. Some Galicians called him "our King," others still perceive him as a sort of Robin Hood, albeit in reverse.

Carlos Barros, a professor of social history at the University of Santiago de Compostela, and an important chronicler of the Irmandino Rebellion, refers to Pedro Madruga as the "prototype of a bad knight." (Barros, Como vive el modelo caballeresco de la hidalguia Gallega bajo medieval: los pazos de Proben) The "model" knight, Barros asserts, had a need to be "socially efficient." (Ibid) To achieve that goal, the errant knights found inspiration in "literary works, narratives, poetry, chilvalry books, and nobiliary treatises," (Ibid) as portrayed in Cervantes's Don Quixote, a satire inspired by this supercilious state of affairs. Marimar Anzano, a reviewer of Philippot's work, states that, at age seven, young Cristobal was named Pedro Alvarez, after Don Pedro Alvarez, 10th Lord of the House of Soutomaior and Fornelos, Fernan Eanes's father.

By all accounts, Fernan Eanes behaved well toward his son, but only as far as his legal rights and obligations were concerned. He enrolled him in the Dominican Convent of Tui, because it was customary (until not so long ago)to enroll, "a pupilo," or boarding school style, in today's world, all children of nobles born out of wedlock (unless they were sent abroad, or otherwise concealed from public view). Thereafter, the convent students were expected to become clerics. (Anzano, La Identidad de Cristobal Colon) However, young Pedro would have none of it. He left the convent when he was sixteen or seventeen years old. He returned home to live with his father, a shipbuilder, who was active in other maritime enterprises. Pedro Madruga's post convent years were spent next to the King of Portugal, "a great friend of his father." It was there he became interested in war affairs. (Ibid) Perhaps while there, he also had a chance practice the art of self-reinvention, away from Pontevedra, where his true identity was known to others. Therefore, it can be reasonably assumed that young Pedro, in spite of his extreme diligence, did not find much time to instruct himself in the ways and duties of knighthood, as mentioned above. Likewise, Fernan Eanes could not have been a devoted role model to his "natural" son. It is believed that Fernan Eanes was opposed to the idea of having a "bastard" as the final heir to his estate, or "House." (Pedro Madruga)

As a result, it can also be speculated that, at any given moment, during his formative years, the "very subtle" (manoso) and "wise," Pedro Madruga became aware of his father's rejection; of having to live in the shadow of his "legitimate" brother Alvar Paez, the highly respected Major Admiral of the Sea, who had been groomed to be their father's successor since the day he was born.

Perhaps Pedro's compulsions and obsessions were misguided attempts to earn his father's love and admiration; to become someone "he was not," for the sake of acceptance. Those efforts may have lasted a lifetime, and are quite evident if Philippot's thesis is correct. Cristobal Colon returned from the second trip to the Americas wearing a Franciscan habit, and it has been cited many times that he was wearing one when he was buried. There are some who view those actions as a publicity stunt. Perhaps he did convert, or was already a Friar before departing on the first trip, a notion that, if true, would devastate the Franciscan assertion to the effect that forced conversions were not planned ahead of departure, because not a single Franciscan was included in the crew and passenger list. It is certain that one passenger's occupation was listed as "goldsmith," Cristobal Caro.

There is no need to reconstruct the entanglements of the Irmandino Wars in great detail to allow one to analyze the mental state and actions of Pedro Madruga during his involvement in the conflict. The first conflict erupted in 1431, therefore he could not have been an active participant due to his early age. Madruga was born in 1432, a fact that Philippot would not been able to "change," because it is documented in civil records, and history books. Columbus, "according to testimony from his contemporaries," (Vidas Paralelas) was born born between 1430 and 1436. This will acquire significance later on, below.

A young child's psyche can be deeply affected by war, even in the absence of his or her active participation, and certainly if his or her parents participate in it, or if the family suffers while it is taking place. In the case of Madruga, his participation in the Irmandino Rebellion began quite a bit later, when his aunt, the strident Teresa de Zuniga, ("....their aunt did not get along with her loved ones due to the insanities she committed..") was in need of help, after another nephew, Sancho de Ulloa, refused to assist her. (Pedro Madruga) The particulars of her request are not worth reviewing at this time. What is worth noting is that Pedro jumped at the opportunity to aid a damsel in distress (an important tenet of Galician chilvalry, as we shall soon see), who was in need of taking possession of Rivadavia castle in the name of her son Bernardino Sarmiento, who was not yet of age. Pedro's initial performance hardly differs from other incidents provoked by Columbus in the New World:

"...he ordered some killed, and the feet of others chopped off. Others were arrested. And he arrested the Abbot of San Croyo, and he brought him around the town of Rivadavia mounted on a ass, and with a wreath of garlic [used to keep away evil spirits] wrapped around his neck." (Ibid)

The first conflict, The Irmandade Fusquenlla, occurred in 1431, in the lands belonging to the Andrades. Nuno Freire de Andrade "El Malo," literally "The Bad One" was cruel to his vassals. A revolt that began in Puentedeume and Betanzos spread through Lugo, Mondonedo, and as far as Santiago de Compostela. The Great Irmandina War began between 1467 and 1469. It became a civil war. (Revuelta Irmandina) Some historians still view it as an extension of the Irmandade Fusquenlla. Others maintain that it was provoked by bandits and outlaws that were protected by the feudal lords. The alleged desperados were "men for hire" or mercenaries (some called them "the third state") and they were accused of assaulting "seculars and clerics to steal their property, rob churches, cattle and evil actions that, due to the absence of a monarch, or the temporary government, remained unpunished." (Ibid) In other words, the Kingdom of Galicia in the mid XV century was a medieval version of what is known today as a rogue state.

A more sober evaluation of the conflicts is the one offered by historian Carlos Barros. He believes that myths are not compatible with historical truth. (Barros, Mitos de la histografia galleguista) Likewise, to arrive at an accurate reconstruction of events, Barros is willing to review Galician myths with a dispassionate eye, including the myth of Pedro Madruga as a Robin Hood in reverse.

In his essay, Como vive el modelo caballeresco la hidalguia gallega bajo medieval: los pazos de Proben (The Way of Life of the Knightly Galician Model During Early Medieval Times: The Manor Houses of Proben) (Pun intended, the protagonist's last name, Pazos de Proben, means, literally, "Manor Houses of Proben.")

Barros asserts that "war is the occupation that defines the knightly model, or archetype best, because it provides meaning and a moral framework to the nobility as a social class." (Ibid) It is a model that allows the knight to manifest the most prized attributes of the "hidalguia," or nobility. The military model considers bravery a special virtue. Other qualities owe their existence to it, such as loyalty, fame, and honor," (Ibid) qualities that are also prized by narcissists.

Barros equates, in a subtle way, the tenets of Galician knighthood with religious mantras. The principal one was "it is better to die with honour than to live dishonorably." (Ibid) Cowardice was the most despised of all attributes to a knight. To be "the first one to attack a fort," (Ibid) was a cardinal rule. The vassals of the feudal lords also had rules that made clear the gestalt of Galician knighthood and the Irmandino Rebellion. The vassals, who were commoners and unskilled workers "largely imitated the knightly model. But did not react to to the same arguments." (Ibid) Barros sums up the apprenticeship of a knight by stating that the entire procedure culminated with psychological training to know, "at the hour of truth, that there was no other choice than to opt for 'death with honor.'" (Ibid) Pedro Madruga, on the other hand, could not know that the following words, uttered by him, would also become a mantra to all those who still mention it whenever they wish to encapsulate his perception of his "self" and other people. (Problematic Behavior No.1) (Narcissistic Personality Disorder)

"For the whole of Galicia, my House is enough." Pedro Madruga

(Bibliografia de Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior)

"His House" was self-created when, in 1475, King Alonso V, of Portugal, granted him the title "and rights," (Ibid) of Count of Camina; a title that neither Fernan Eanes nor his "legitimate heir" Alvar Paez de Soutomaior, the great Admiral, ever held before; a title that gave him almost exclusive dominion over the entire southeast province of Galicia, where the people called him "our King." It was also a title "in accordance with his hegemonic pretensions." Not all the nobles were pleased with these developments. While some of them favored a union with Portugal, for reasons already stated, others were content remaining a part of Castile. The most enlightened among the errant knights favored some sort of autonomy within Portugal, but without severing ties with Castile, or in today's jargon, "having one's cake and eating it too."

The saga of the defense of the castle of Tenorio by the de Proben knights, against the forces of Pedro Madruga, is the subject of Barros's paper. The siege of Tenorio castle lasted for five months, a fact that underscores the pertinence of the events about to be narrated within the context of this psychological profile. The "intensity and duration of feelings and their appropiateness to situations," (Narcissistic Personality Disorder), or problematic behavior number two (to meet NPD diagnosis), as it applies to Pedro Madruga's personality, should become entirely clear as we proceed. The first one, "perception and interpretation of the self and other people," (Ibid) has already been addressed, and will gain increasing importance as this tale unfolds. The reconstruction of the events that follow was written by Barros, but inspired by Juan de Ocampo, who narrated them first. They clearly show that most, if not all the participanting knights, vassals, and unskilled workers, knew intimate details about Madruga's life, including his "illegitimacy." They all viewed him as an "arriviste," a member of the "new nobility," and a "bastard." Ocampo calls him an outright "prototype of a bad knight," (Barros, como vive...) in spite of having a modicum of sympathy for him.

The events were provoked when Pedro was the leader of the "Portuguese Band," (Ibid) in Galicia, during the rebellion. His actions, narrated below, suggest that Pedro Madruga already wanted his own kingdom. Tenorio castle was "defended by Gomez de Proben until his death, during the war of the Catholic Kings against Portugal," (Ibid) surely a source of displeasure to Her Majesty, [Isabel the Catholic of Castile] since she could only view the actions of Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior, during this incident, as an act of treason while the conflict endured, and certainly thereafter.

Moscoso and Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior were, according to the author, the instigators. Barros states that "middle nobles" (Ibid) brought about peace by "exchanging the great lords that led the regiments, Moscoso and Soutomaior, the originators of the problem, with other captains." (Ibid) Jacome Pazos de Proben was appointed as the leader of the Tuy-Orense regiment had been led, up to then, by Pedro Madruga.

Tuy was an important location for the Soutomaiors, the place, or one of the places, where the Soutomaiors led important affairs. It was the place where Pedro received his early education; where he learned Latin from the Dominican monks while he lived with them in the monastery. The place where Alvar Paez, the "recognized" and "legitimate heir" of the House, his half-brother, conducted his those great interests mentioned earlier with extreme competence. The Philippot thesis maintains that Pedro Madruga was born in 1432, a date that, if not perfectly documented with civil or geneaology records, can be deduced to a low margin of error, by virtue of the fact that many events of his life are recorded in the history of Galicia. If born in 1432, Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior would have been 44 years old when following events took place. It has been reported in the Spanish media that the investigation of the remains (of Columbus) in Seville, belong to a man who died when he was in late sixties, or perhaps even 70 years old. This theory is compatible with Washington Irving's theory, of Columbus's age, and it is shared by Bernal, a friend and guest of Columbus, who was a priest. (Horta y Pardo, La verdadera cuna de Cristobal Colon) On the other hand, if Columbus was born in 1451, as mainstream history suggests, the he would have been only fifty-five years old at the time of his death. Nevertheless, Philippot asserts the Admiral's remains are buried in Santo Domingo.

Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior is described by Barros as "the eternal enemy" of the Pazos de Proben House. Such a threatening situation, or gestalt (to Pedro), would be described in present day therapy jargon as "the potential loss of NS, or narcissistic supply." The loss of narcissistic supply, even when imagined, anticipated or, even worse, brought about by real circumstances, can throw a confirmed, or pathological narcissist, into a tailspin. Our friend Pedro was no exception. The diminishment of self-importance represents a lethal blow to a narcissist's fragile ego. (See first item of nine NPD diagnostic criteria, the most important one of all.)

Barros cites that the events about to be described are based on the narration of nobleman Juan Rodriguez de Padron, a direct witness of the deed, as reconstructed from Ocampo's work.

At some point during the struggle, Pedro Madruga demolished the castle, and detained the family of Gomez Pazos. Pedro said that "he would order to have all of them hanged, unless Gomez Pazos surrendered the castle, and placed himself in his hands." (Ibid) Gomez Pazos responded, "under no circumstances would he surrender the castle..." (Ibid), adding several mantras of Galician knighthood, including an allusion to the customary swearing ceremony that pertained to that specific possibility.

Barros states that historians Padron and Ocampo suggest the new Count, Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior, "employs barbaric methods, not knightly ones, like those of the Moors of Tarifa." (Ibid) Pazos de Proben's response to Madruga's threat supports this suggestion. He told the Count that the "only type of Count's fame he could earn by killing four innocent people, using barbaric methods, would be a loser's fame." (Ibid) Pedro Madruga, first Count of Camina, retreated without taking action, no doubt wishing to avoid further losses in the area of self-importance, once again.

A similar situation took place when Pedro gathered nobles at the Castle of Sobroso. The hidalgos, or lesser nobles of Garcia Sarmiento, the defending knight, were placed in front of their leader. Madruga tells them, "see your Lord, if you do not give me the House, I will chop off his head." (Ibid) The threats were not carried out, but not because the count "lacked courage, or had scruples," (Ibid) as will be demonstrated later on.

Many important events took place in Tenorio Castle after the Count declined to hang the members of the de Proben family. A "traitor" (Ibid) allowed the Count to enter the castle one night. Up until that night, the forces of Pazos de Proben were able to resist the assailants in combat while they awaited the assistance of friendly knights and the Kings. "Figueroa, Garcia Sarmiento, Tristan de Montenegro, and Valladares," (Ibid) all knights of important lineages, with people from Pontevedra, Vigo, and Sobroso, gathered 3,000 men to liberate Tenorio, but 68 foreign arcabuceros of Soutomaior defeated them with firearms that "had never been seen in Galicia before." (Ibid)

The history of the Irmandino Rebellion is filled with similar anecdotes about Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior, First Count of Camina; anecdotes that demonstrate the contradictory nature of the Count. Often he is also portrayed as a coward, on the basis that it was his practice to hide in the middle of the regiment wearing disguises to avoid injury of detection. Perhaps the "cunning" and "wise" Count already knew that he would be more valuable to his forces, and the King of Portugal, alive, instead of dying with honor, as the code of knighthood required. Pedro's actions demonstrate that his behavior was similar to the vassals in that he also engaged in imitative behavior, but he did not "react to the same argument as the nobles." (Barros, Como vive...) But then again, why would he? Why would he "act" and perhaps also "react" in the same manner as a commoner or vassal?

Pedro was not a "legitimate" Soutomaior heir. Like all the other children of nobles born out of wedlock, or deemed "defective" in any other way, he had to be locked away, all, or most of the time--at the convent, or away, in Portugal, or at sea, or at Sagres, where another one of his father's friends (the Director), could help him change his identity; anywhere his presence, or existence, could be denied. Perhaps he was sent also to Genoa, at a time when Italy was much farther away from being unified than Spain, but where Spain had a lot of influence; where the idea of being an active participant of The House might never enter his head; where he could be distracted; where the idea of mentioning he was a Soutomaior, if it did ever enter his head, could only be told to people who didn't care, or wouldn't believe him, or couldn't take advantage. For the reasons just explained, Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior became Pedro Madruga, (Peter, "the early riser," literally) a very diligent and intelligent boy who owned roosters, and used them as alarm clocks, to help him get up at dawn, creating extra working hours in the day, to impress Fernan Eanes, hoping to earn his love and approval one day, an event that never took place. Pedro Madruga never had an opportunity to sharpen his Galician knighthood, or leadership skills. When the idea of turning him into a priest failed, he became interested in the family business, but Alvar was his father's legitimate heir, and representative in the family affairs. Young Pedrito was probably cajoled into taking up his interests away from home. Wherever he was sent, he also learned something about war, and sophisticated weaponry. Whatever he learned about chivalry, he learned from his adversaries, as an active participant, in fact a leader, in the theater of war.

The incident mentioned above indicates that his adversaries knew all of this, and often took advantage of Pedro, attempting to shame him into doing the "right thing," according to "knightly" rules.

Shame is a familiar emotion to those who suffer from NPD. It is an emotion that, as some clinicians assert, is sought repeatedly by the narcissist, an attempt to recreate past traumas, in their minds, or otherwise, with the goal of sorting out effects brought about by the NPD syndrome. Most professionals believe this is hard, if not impossible to achieve, without outside help once the patient is older, or after it has become a pathological condition.

Before killing Gomez Pazos, Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior demolished the castle, a feat reserved for nobles, but only "at the hour of truth," when the defending knight had to claim defeat, or death with honor, and only as a last resort. Pedro demolished the castle to "eliminate the possibility that another knightly scion from the de Proben clan, would dare repeat the valiant deed of his father, Diego." (Ibid) That is the conclusion reached by Barros Ocampo, and many others.

In the end, Her Majesty, and one of her allies, Teresa de Tavora, Pedro's wife, had the last word.

Bartolome de las Casas viewed Columbus as the "Bearer of Christ," while, on one occasion, Columbus is cited as saying he was an envoy of the House of David. Upon becoming an Admiral, Columbus wrote a letter to King Juan in which he stated that he was not the only Admiral in his family. His name, in that instance, still remained unknown, or unknowable:

"Let them give me any name they want; in the end David, a very prudent king, was a shepherd and was later named King of Jerusalem, I am the servant of that same Lord that took David to that state." (Cristobal Colon y el Enigma de su Origen)

Perhaps Columbus was already delusional, but most authors and historians use those citations to attempt to determine if he was Christian or Jewish. If Philippot, is correct, he was both. Why not concentrate on the meaning of that schism, instead, using it to "prove" he was confused, disturbed, and suffering from extreme emotional pain? They would conclude Pedro Madruga/Cristobal Colon, wanted to please his father even after Fernan was dead. Some have already claimed he was an adept when it came to thinking about the future, as exemplified by the motives that led him to destroy the Tenorio castle, to prevent any other knight of the lineage to defend it again.

As the siege came to an end, the unthinkable took place. After the head of Pazos de Proben was dead, he killed Gomez and Fernando. He beheaded them, an unthinkable act, according to the Galician Chivalry Codes. The knights portrayed in, "The Lives of Saints," were "men and women who were beheaded, stoned, and burned," (Ibid) They were martyrs and saints. The Lives of Saints was a guide to perfect Galician Knighthood, as was the crucifixion of Christ, the death of the Son of God, and the holy martyrs. The knights were also ardent students of the chivalry codes of Ali, the cousin of Muhammad, who many claim invented the system of chivalry. (Hitti, History of the Arabs) It must not be forgotten that Spain was under Arabic rule for up to 800 years, and during the period of time these events were taking place, Granada was still under Arabic Rule. Christians, Moslems, and Jews lived side by side there, many of them concentrating on scholarly pursuits that were much more interesting, such as translating the works of Plato into Arabic, and assigning their translation into Latin to others, a task that fell on the shoulders of the Christian clergy, and were later translated by those who read Latin. The expulsion of both groups could be considered as an act of self-mutilation, in regard to intellectual matters. Previously Spain was regarded as important center of learning, because of its diversity. As soon as the "discovery" was initiated. Intellectual matters were controlled by the Church.

All the knights of Galicia viewed hanging " a symbol of the exercise of high justice both in criminal and civil cases..." (Barros, como vive...) The knights also had a media campaign of their own design, also created for material reasons as Barros points out: "The economic well-being of the House or Manor Houses was conditioned by public fame, accumulated through inheritance. (Ibid) The chilvalry code insisted that the defeated [or conquered] must not be beheaded or hanged (...), even after death." (Ibid)

There is no doubt that Pedro Madruga understood one of the basic rules of knighthood, namely the avenging of damsels in distress, as shown by the event that led to Pedro Madruga's involvement in the Irmandino Rebellion, including the Siege of Pazos de Proben, where he displayed comparable actions to those Columbus practiced in The New World, as cited in countless, history books, chronicles, and narratives, though there is a dearth of published material, questioning where, or how, he learned to commit such atrocities, the same ones that were committed by the Porquerones of the Goan Inquisition and other places in India. The Goa Inquisition lasted for two and a half centuries. One of the worst perpetrators was Francis Xavier, another "Bearer of Christ," as his name [Xavier] indicates. During the Goa Inquisition "heretics were burned, temples were razed and churches were placed upon them as the Spaniards did, in the New World, and in Spain after the Reconquest. (The Ethics of Proselytizing) Furthermore, the amputation of limbs, and tongues as punishment is often cited in many old, and new Columbian chronicles.

Thus it has been shown that Madruga lived in a dreamworld of success, power and genius, the second diagnostic criteria for "the clinician to make a NPD diagnosis." (Narcissistic Personality Disorder)

Whether or not Madruga was able to control his impulses, yet another problematic pattern of behavior, to meet the diagnosis of NPD, the last of the problematic behaviors to be addressed, would be arguable at this point in the analysis, but not later, if Madruga and Columbus are one and the same, as will be argued in the next section of this study.

Madruga refrained, at first, from carrying out his threats to cut off people's heads, or hang them, but in the end he did not. After regrouping, he returned with arcabuces,(eng. arquebuses), a primitive version of rifles. His actions could have been premeditated.

The relationship with his wife, Teresa de Tavora, brought about his ultimate demise in Galicia. The first signs of discord between the couple took place as a result of her involvement with Her Majesty to dispose her husband of his titles and House, granting them to his son, an event Madruga could not emotionally overcome, particularly after his final defeat in the Irmandino Rebellion.

An enraged Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior called out to his old allies to recover his House. He found himself all alone. Suddenly, he perceived himself as impotent to challenge the Crown of Castile/Aragon. He had been ousted by the Crown and replaced by his own son.

Criteria number eight, (envy) may be arguable, but not discarded as a possibility, as it could be related to the following incident, if Madruga and Columbus are one and the same. Columbus's denial of the recompense that was rightfully deserved by another one, the one who first saw land, could also be seen as the response of a jealous narcissist. If not, the only other rational alternative, would be to qualify it as an attempt to increase his self-importance. In that case, criteria number 3 applies. Without question, the Pazos de Proben incident demonstrates he felt entitled to deference, compliance, or favorable treatment from others, in accordance to criteria number five. Certainly, he lacked empathy, as shown by the beheading of his foes, and the amputation of their feet. (Criteria number seven) Criteria number nine is exemplified by his motto, "For all of Galicia my House is enough," or sufficient, or plenty. Likewise this is evident by the way he issued orders. Thus, so far, six diagnostic criteria, required to make a diagnosis of NPD have been demonstrated. Existence of envy, in his case, may have been well disguised, "with a well packaged exterior means that they often develop an attractive and persuasive social manner." (Narcissistic Personality Disorder) Many chroniclers, including Bartolome de las Casas, have cited his charm, or the lovely side of his personality. Without it, becomes very difficult for narcissists to maintain survival levels of narcissistic supply, ususally obtained from their unsuspecting victims.

Did Pedro Alvarez de Soutomaior die of two infected carbuncles, or at the the hands of the Porquerones of Proinao, who entered the convent and "threw the garrote at his neck," (Pedro Madruga) as some speculate? Perhaps, as Aponte points out, it was a bit of both. Others suggest his visit to Alba de Tormes (Salamanca) was to negotiate (with the aid the Duke of Alba,as an intermediary between him and the Crown) the restitution of his House. One source (Pedro Madruga, Wikipedia) cites that the Duke waited for the right moment, when the Kings visited Alba de Tormes, to ask forgiveness for Pedro. Some suggest those nobles "may have been" his relatives, failing to cite the following:

"Catholic and very high and very powerful King and Lord

'Your highness, due to your mercy, you placed the Admiral of the Indies, my nephew, in my house, marrying him with Dona Maria de Toledo, my niece, a mercy that I regarded very highly when Your Highness ordered to do so, and now..."

(Letter of the Duke of Alba to the King our Lord)

Where are the remains of Pedro Madruga, that they too could be tested, by means of DNA, and compared with the DNA of Soutomaior descendants? In Seville, in Santo Domingo? In this manner, the matter could be put to rest. Judging by the contents of a number of blogs, a number of Soutomaior descendants are perfectly willing to have their DNA tested against the remains that are in Seville, or Santo Domingo.

Did Pedro Madruga reinvent himself, as Cristobal Colon, after his disappearance from Galicia, reverting to the use of his original given name? Part IV of this study will aim to show that, in the case of Columbus, further, and more aggravated consistent patterns of problematic behavior, and symptoms, are applicable, based on historical citations, and that they are consistent with necessary requirements to arrive at a diagnosis of NPD.



Dor-Ner, Zvi. Columbus and the Age of Discovery. New York. William Morrow. 1991.
Hitti, Philip. History of the Arabs. From the Earliest Times to the Present. New York.St. Martin. Tenth Ed. 1985.
Narcissistic Personality Disorder.
Heinz Kohut, Wikipedia.
Otto Kernberg. Wikipedia.
Barros, Carlos. Universidad de Santiago de Compostela. Como vive el modelo caballeresco la hidalguia gallega bajo medieval: los pazos de Proben.
Barros, Carlos. Universidad de Santiago de Compostela. Mitos de la histografia galleguista.
de Horta y Pardo, Constantino. La verdadera cuna de Cristobal Colon. http://www.
Pedro Madruga. Wikipedia.
Bibliografia de Pedro Madruga. Ayuntamiento de Soutomaior
Anzano, Marimar. La identidad de Cristobal Colon. Comentario de Marimar Anzano sobre el libro de Alfonso Philippot. http://
Vidas Paralelas. Vida paralela entre Cristobal Colon y Pedro Madruga (Conde de Sotomayor)
Xenealoxia. Casa Soutomaior.
Cristobal Colon y El Enigma de su Origen.
Carta. Duque de Alba Para el Rey Nuestro Senor. http//
The Ethics of Proselytizing. Presented at the Cornell University Conference in Human Rights and Religion

No comments: